Governments across the world are grappling with a difficult dilemma: how to regulate social media without undermining freedom of expression. Social media companies are also struggling with the same dilemma in managing content posted on their platforms. While digital norms have democratized access to information and empowered citizens, they have also become echo chambers for misinformation, disinformation, manipulation, and polarization. This tension makes regulating social media a double-edged sword. Nonetheless, digital connectivity has become ubiquitous, with approximately three in four people connected to the internet according to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU). While connectivity in Africa is relatively low, at 36% compared with the global average of 74%, it has been increasing, contributing significantly to the rise in social media use. This has fundamentally reshaped how people communicate, connect, and share information, particularly among Africa’s youth, who are more tech-savvy and connected to the world than previous generations (GSMA, 2022). Today, more than half of Sub-Saharan Africa’s population is connected to the internet via mobile phones (ibid). This wider connectivity, especially through social media platforms, has democratized access to information. In a recent survey, nearly half of respondents in Africa (47%) accessed news through social media or the internet a few times a week according to research by Conroy-Krutz, Amakoh, & Amewunou, (2024). Social media now dominates news and information sharing, reshaping public discourse and access to information. 

As audiences migrate online and information access changes, most newsrooms have integrated social media into their workflows, publishing their content in digital formats (Koga, 2021). They also use messaging platforms to source stories, collaborate, and engage audiences (McIntyre & Sobel, 2019). The shift in information-sharing has also contributed to the rise of digital publications across Africa, such as The Continent and Semafor, among others, which are distributed online and have gained wide circulation. 

Increased social media use has further fueled the rise of ‘influence culture’. Digital influencers command significant traffic on platforms such as TikTok, X, YouTube, Facebook, and Instagram. For instance, Dylan Page, the creator of the ‘News Daddy’ channel, gained prominence by transforming complex global news and events into simple, bite-sized content. He has become one of the most-followed news creators by bridging traditional news and digital media, earning global recognition, including invitations to international events such as the NATO Summit in 2025. Similarly, Kenya’s Steve Thompson Maghana, alias Oga Obinna, bridges traditional media, engaging politicians and other personalities in lively conversations on his channels, delving into guests’ careers and personal lives. This has earned him a place among Kenya’s most influential creators. The growing influence of digital creators raises new regulatory questions about accountability, misinformation, and the blurred boundaries between journalism, entertainment, and political messaging.

As information sharing through social media gains in prominence, it is increasingly drawing the attention of authorities, who recognize the platforms’ capacity to shape public opinion and mobilize citizens. For instance, amid a wave of protests against the Finance Bill in 2024 (which included a proposed tax on content creators), Kenya’s President William Ruto held a digital engagement with Kenyans via an ‘X Space’. The session turned into a heated forum, with Kenyans confronting him over his administration’s handling of national affairs. The conversation drew over 163,000  participants at its peak (Soy, 2024) and more than 3 million listeners in total (Owino, 2024). Youth are leading a shift to digital platforms, posing unique challenges for authorities who have yet to establish effective mechanisms to leverage these online information ecosystems. 

The influence of social media on society will continue to rise as more people gain access to these platforms, even as governments and other stakeholders play catch-up to emerging innovations in these online ecosystems. To understand how these ecosystems work, stakeholders must grasp the complex interplay of human behavior in both online and offline communities. Busara has actively studied both online and offline behaviors, focusing on how information flows within communities. In a 2020 study in Kenya, we found that younger audiences preferred accessing information through social media, whereas older generations preferred traditional media such as television, radio, and community networks (Busara, 2020). Another upcoming Busara study in Uganda on how information flows within communities found that rural networks are dense, whereas information flows in urban centers are fragmented. The two examples share a common thread: that is, information flow in both offline and online communities is not uniform but complex. Nonetheless, the growing influence of social media is driven by a demographic shift and the widespread adoption of mobile technologies. This has amplified social media’s influence and access to information across Africa, particularly among young people. In Nigeria and South Africa, for instance, most respondents in a survey reported consuming digital news at least once a week (Newman et al., 2024), while in Kenya, news consumption via social media surged to 77 percent, according to the same survey, pointing to growing demand for digital access to information.  

Citizen accountability and political narratives

Social media is reshaping dominant political narratives and catalyzing social movements. Hashtags, in particular, have become significant in the protest architecture across the continent, facilitating awareness and mobilization. Different scholars highlight this through examples such as Zimbabwe’s #ThisFlag, Nigeria’s #EndSARS, and South Africa’s #RhodesMustFall (Matsilele et al., 2021). In Kenya, the #RejectFinanceBill2024 united Kenyans against the proposed government tax policy, led by youths who combined online activism with street demonstrations to demand accountability (Ogutu & Garcia, 2024; Too, 2024), ultimately forcing the government to abandon the Finance Bill and reorganize the Cabinet. This resistance was primarily organized through social media, in the absence of the usual political actors who previously monopolized political resistance, particularly during critical periods such as elections. In Nigeria, the #EndSARS movement amplified public voices and exposed police brutality, which pressured the government to act (Dark, 2020). In Ghana’s 2020 elections, social media enabled political dialog (Boateng & Buatsi, 2023). These cases highlight social media’s growing role in political mobilization and contestation in Africa. Over the past decade, this trend intensified, challenging the dominance of traditional politics (Dwyer & Molony, 2014). As we have seen in the Kenyan case and elsewhere, political actors have capitalized on this shift to engage potential voters, reshape public opinion, and consolidate power. 

However, the influence of social media has also been weaponized to nefarious ends. For instance, Cambridge Analytica, a British research firm that reportedly influenced multiple elections worldwide, is one of the most well-known examples. Crabtree (2018) documents the firm’s significant role in Kenya’s 2017 elections, working with political parties to develop campaign strategies that influenced voter behavior. They targeted young voters on social media, appealing to deeply rooted emotions about ethnic identity. In Nigeria, the firm allegedly applied controversial methods, including accessing hacked emails of politicians to sway the 2015 elections (Cadwalladr, 2018). The role of Cambridge Analytica also extended to the 2016 Brexit referendum and the U.S. presidential election that year, in which it allegedly harvested social media data to influence outcomes (Crabtree, 2018). These developments underscore social media’s duality as a tool for civic empowerment and a potential vector for manipulation, prompting governments to reassess these information ecosystems. 

In recent years, authorities have intensified legislative efforts to regulate online spaces. The European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) was the first major framework to set rules for protecting personal data and managing online behavior. This was followed by similar regulations around the world. In Kenya, authorities enacted the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes Act in 2018 to regulate some aspects of cyberspace. This law was subsequently amended by the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes (Amendment) Act, 2025, which broadened the scope of offenses to include cyber harassment, phishing, and identity theft. The updated framework now empowers government agencies to direct internet service providers to block certain websites and applications that promote ‘unlawful’ activities. This has, however, been contested and is undergoing a judicial review. Another related statute under the Data Protection Act (2019) was also passed to regulate the processing of personal data, information sharing, and the use of computer systems. Nigeria similarly introduced the Nigeria Data Protection Regulation (NDPR) in 2019 to regulate online behavior. While these regulations can help curb illegal activities and the spread of misinformation in digital spaces, they can also be misused by authorities to constrain social media’s influence on citizens. Kenyan authorities, for instance, have been accused of silencing online criticism. In an incident that drew widespread condemnation, Kenyan authorities arrested blogger Albert Ojwang in Homa Bay, Kenya, on June 7, 2025, for allegedly insulting a senior police officer online. Police pursued charges against him, and his death in custody provoked outrage and mass protests, which were largely organized online (Muia et al., 2025). Kenyan authorities have also attempted to regulate TikTok (Miriri, 2024), while Uganda introduced a social media tax in 2018, which was later revised and levied on internet data bundles (Mwesigwa, 2021). The Ugandan government routinely limits internet access during elections, including the 2026 elections. Beyond Africa, Australia recently became one of the first countries to enforce a social media ban for individuals under 16, shifting the responsibility for identity verification to social media companies.  

In addition to regulations, authorities are adopting other strategies. The Kenyan President’s X Space with youth following the 2024 anti-government protests (Soy, 2024) signals a shift towards online political engagement and public communication, reflecting a recognition that young citizens are more active in digital spaces than in traditional forums. Political actors recognize that they must integrate social media into their strategies to remain relevant. Others are taking a stringent approach, tightening control through censorship, internet throttling, and outright bans. In Tanzania and Uganda, for instance, internet access was restricted during their recent elections. Chad and Cameroon have also imposed prolonged social media blackouts, while Gabon shut down the internet during the 2023 elections (Obangome, 2023). 

Interface redesign and longer-term strategies 

While regulations may work in the short term and allow governments to restrict freedom of speech and access to information, long-term strategies would yield greater benefits and better protect users from harmful content.  Reading between the lines, there appears to be a palpable fear among authorities regarding social media’s potential to mobilize citizens to challenge their legitimacy. Ultimately, these platforms are a double-edged sword for authorities: they can enhance democratic participation, but they can also be used to undermine their legitimacy. Determining responsibility for the spread of misinformation on social media, for instance, has proven difficult (Shepherd, 2024). In a past study, Busara, in partnership with UNDP Accelerator Lab Kenya, tested a browser plug-in to crowdsource the flagging of misinformation. While participants valued the tool, concerns over anonymity, vague definitions, and limited feedback reduced its effectiveness, underscoring the challenges governments and policymakers might face in ensuring trust, accuracy, and accountability within online information ecosystems. As governments develop these frameworks and introduce new legislation, striking a balance between protecting freedom of expression and implementing regulations will be crucial. Nonetheless, African governments recognize the transformative potential of these technologies. Some, including Kenya, Rwanda, and Ghana, have developed policies to harness digital innovations, such as artificial intelligence. Looking at the different policies, we conclude that, while authorities dislike social media’s tendency to foster criticism or dissent, they recognize the potential of these platforms to mobilize citizens. 

To fully unlock the potential of social media platforms, policies must protect citizens’ rights without compromising user privacy or the user experience. These policies should be developed collaboratively with a broad range of stakeholders, including local communities, social media companies, social media users and creators, civil society, researchers, and government agencies, to ensure balanced oversight. These policies should be grounded in shared values rather than arbitrary rules and restrictions imposed by authorities. Policies developed collaboratively can help to improve legislation. Broadly, research on how online narratives shape society would support better regulation by clearly defining harmful content while safeguarding users’ rights. Involving the private sector and academia would help define technical concepts and develop good monitoring systems. 

Beyond regulation, behavioral science can offer insights into redesigning these platforms, improving user experiences, enabling more accurate content labeling, and facilitating better end-user interactions, while limiting current reward mechanisms that encourage endless doomscrolling. This can be achieved by redesigning choice architecture and improving algorithms on social media platforms to safeguard users’ well-being. Finally, collaborating with social media companies to redesign the user interface can afford users greater agency. It is also important to ensure that social media platforms are not designed primarily around the preferences and commercial priorities of audiences in the Global North. Much of the future growth in internet and smartphone use will come from the developing world. As connectivity expands across Africa and other regions, platform design and governance must increasingly reflect the needs, contexts, and digital rights of users in the Global Majority. Collectively, these mechanisms would only work if social media users are recognized as citizens with rights and aspirations, and if social media is recognized as a public good rather than a commodity.

References

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